Beyond Administrative Error: Dual Contracts as a Structural Failure in Indonesia-Turkey Labor Migration

Beyond Administrative Error: Dual Contracts as a Structural Failure in Indonesia-Turkey Labor Migration

Feb 24, 2026 | Commentaries

Vol. VII / No. 2 | February 2026

Authors:

Putri Ayu Ningrum – Undergraduate Student in International Relations, Universitas Amikom Yogyakarta

 

Summary

This article examines the practice of dual employment contracts affecting Indonesia Migrant Worker (PMI) in Turkey, particularly in the hospitality and services sectors. It highlight a recurring pattern in which workers sign verifield employment contracts in Indonesia (Contract A), only to be required to sign revised contracts with less favorable terms upon arrival in the destination country (Contract B). The article argues that these practices should be understood as manifestations of structural weakness in labor migration governance involving placement agencies, employers, and insufficient bilateral regulatory frameworks.

Keywords: Indonesia Migrant Workers, Dual Employment Contracts, Migrant Worker Protection, Power Assymetry, Indonesia-Turkey

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Introduction

Turkey has increasingly emerged as a destination for Indonesian Migrant Workers (PMI), particularly in the hospitality and services sectors. Rising demand for foreign labor and relatively stable income prospects compared to several traditional destination countries have increased Turkey’s appeal among Indonesian job seekers. Official Turkish labour statistics indicate that approximately 8,930 Indonesian workers received new work permits in 2024, indicating that PMI presence in Turkey forms part of a growing formal labour migration corridor (Antara News, 2025).

Historically, Indonesian labor migration has concentrated on Malaysia, Saudi Arabia, Taiwan, Hong Kong, and Singapore (KP2MI, 2022). Recent changes in international labor market structures have contributed to the emergence of non-traditional destination countries, including Turkey (Cooper, 2014).

Behind this narrative lies the practice of dual employment contracts, referring to situations in which PMI sign employment contracts in Indonesian that are verified and recorded in SISKOP2MI ( Computerized System For Servicing and Protecting Indonesian Migrant Workers), but are subsequently presented with different contracts upon arrival. These revised contracts frequently alter wages, working hours, job descriptions, and labour rights, disadvantaging workers (Cooper, 2014).

The author’s internship experience at BP3MI Yogyakarta (Indonesian Migrant Worker Protection  Center) from September to November 2025 indicates that complaints related to dual contracts are not incidental. Several PMI recruited through official placement agencies reported discrepancies between contracts uploaded to SISKOP2MI and those enforced by employers in Turkey. This aligns with national data showing that BP2MI (Indonesian Migrant Workers Protection Agency) received 2,849 formal complaints from PMI throughout 2025 (Muhammad, 2025). BP2MI reports further identify contract violations as among the most frequently reported complaints (KP2MI, 2023).

International labour organization (ILO) literature identifies unilateral contract changes after arrival as a manifestation of power asymmetry faced by migrants workers, particularly in the absence of effective cross-border monitoring mechanism (ILO, 1996). Employment contracts are intended to function as legal protection instruments ensuring transparency, legal certainly, and informed consent form the pre- departure stage (ILO, 2010). When officially verified contracts can be altered after arrival, the protection promised by formal placement systems becomes largely illusory.

Accordingly, dual employment contracts affecting PMI in Turkey should be understood not merely as administrative violations, but as indicators of structural weaknesses in migrant worker placement governance, including inadequate oversights of placement agencies, limited agreements between Indonesian and Turkey (IOM, 2022).

 

Contract Mechanisms and the PMI Placement System

Within Indonesia’s legal PMI placement system, employment contracts constitute a fundamental document defining the rights and obligations of migrant workers. Initial contracts are prepared by destination-country placement companies affiliated with P3MI (Indonesian Migrant Worker Placement Company), then verified and uploaded to SISKOP2MI (Computerized System For Servicing and Protecting Indonesian Migrant Workers), a system managed by BP2MI to ensure contractual compliance prior to departure.

Contacts recorded in SISKOP2MI are expected to reflect actual working conditions in the destination country and serve as the basis for PMI protection during overseas employment. Contractual changes after PMI arrive constitute serious violations, as they potentially contravene protection principles stipulated in Law. No.18 of 2017 on the Protection of Indonesian Migrant Workers (Undang-Undang Pelindungan Pekerja Migran Indonesia, 2017).

 

Dual Contract Practices: From Contract A to Contract B

A commonly reported pattern involves PMI being recruited through official placement agencies, signing contracts recorded in SISKOP2MI (Contract A), and completing all pre-placement procedures in accordance with BP2MI regulations. Upon arrival in Turkey, some employers require PMI to sign revised contracts (Contract B), typically justified by references to local visa classifications, work permit arrangements, or firm-level compliance practices under Turkish labor regulations.

PMI who refuse these revisions perceive their rights as violated, as the contract approved prior to departure is understood to constitute the binding employment agreement. When PMI submit complaints from Turkey of return to Indonesian, BP2MI facilitates mediation between PMI and placements agencies. While agencies often argue that Contract B falls under the authority of partner companies in Turkey, placements agencies remain responsible for ensuring consistency between job orders, employment contracts, and placement agreements throughout the migration process (Undang-Undang Pelindungan Pekerja Migran Indonesia, 2017).

 

Analytical Question: Who Bears Responsibility?

Responsibility for dual contract practices can be examined through three perspectives.

First, placement agencies are legally obligated to ensure that job orders correspond to actual working conditions in destination countries. Systematic occurrences of dual contracts indicate shortcomings in verification and oversight. Observations during the author’s internship show that agencies involved are predominantly private placements agencies operating under government authorization. During mediation, agencies frequently adopt defensive positions, attributing contractual changes to Turkish partner companies, reflecting limited leverage due to their dependence on overseas partners for job orders and work permit arrangements, as well as the absence of effective legal resource and cross-border enforcement mechanisms (Undang-Undang Pelindungan Pekerja Migran Indonesia, 2017).

Second, partner companies in destination countries, in this case Turkey, contribute to dual contract practices by enforcing new contracts based on internal standards or local regulatory interpretations without honouring original agreements. Such practices contradict international principles of migrant worker protection emphasizing fair and transparent employment contracts    (ILO, 2025). Power asymmetries exacerbate this situation, as PMI often form lower-income backgrounds with limited access to legal assistance accept revised contracts to avoid risks such as job termination, loss of visa sponsorship, or irregular migration status.

Third, bilateral regulatory framework between Indonesia and Turkey remain insufficient. The absence of comprehensive bilateral agreements establishing minimum contract standards and monitoring mechanisms increases the risk of contracts violations and weakens migrant worker rights enforcements (IOM, 2022).

 

Impacts on PMI and the Credibility of Official Placement Systems

Dual contract practices directly affect PMI welfare and are not confined to Turkey alone. Discrepancies between initial contracts and actual working conditions frequently result in wage reductions, excessive working hours, and loss of basic labor rights, creating insecure employment environments(Safitri & Wibisono, 2023).  These findings align with ILO assessments identifying contract violations as a major factor increasing migrant worker vulnerability (ILO, 2025). Beyond individual-level impacts, dual contract practices undermine the credibility of official placement mechanism. When formal procedures fail to ensure contractual consistency and rights protection, public trust erodes, encouraging prospective workers to consider non-procedural pathways that entail significantly higher risks (IOM, 2022).

These conditions highlights structural weaknesses in labour migration governance, involving migration authorities, labour institution, and regulatory bodies with overlapping mandates (IOM UN Migration, 2024). Weak supervision, uneven standards enforcement, and limited cross-border coordination undermine worker protection. Inconsistent implementation of international standards further contributes to irregular migration, as formal procedures come to be perceived as administrative burdens rather than protection instruments (ILO, 2017).

Civil society organizations such as Migrant Care play a role in migrant worker advocacy, however, their engagement is not uniform across destination countries. In the Turkey context, no direct involvement of migrant care was observed within official placement mechanisms during the author’s internship, indicating that migrant worker protection remains primarily reliant on state institutions such as BP3MI.

 

Conclusion: The Need for Structural Reform

The Indonesian-Turkey case demonstrates that dual contract practices are not country-specific, but reflect broader structural weakness in labour migration governance that may also arise in other destination countries where recruitment is mediated by private actors and post-placement oversight remains limited. In this sense, the Turkey case illustrates governance risks shared across both traditional and emerging destinations.

Addressing these challenges requires clear state leadership in labour migration governance, with migration and labour authorities such as BP2MI, in coordination with labour ministries, playing a central role in standard setting, recruitment oversights, and cross-border monitoring. At the bilateral level, labour Memoranda of Understanding must be strengthened or transformation into enforceable arrangements, supported by joint monitoring mechanisms and accountability provisions. Without binding and enforceable MoUs, dual contract practices are likely to persist, undermining worker protection and the credibility of official placements systems.

 

References

Antara News. (2025). Indonesian worker placement in Turkey to focus on labor-intensive jobs. Antara News. https://en.antaranews.com/news/388097/indonesian-worker-placement-in-turkey-to-focus-on-labor-intensive-jobs

Cooper, R. N. (2014). Reviewed Work(s): The Price of Rights: Regulating International Labor Migration by MARTIN RUHS Review. Council on Foreign Relations, 93(1), 7–9.

ILO. (1996). Migration for Employment Convention. International Labour Organization. https://normlex.ilo.org/dyn/nrmlx_en/f?p=NORMLEXPUB:12100:0::NO::P12100_INSTRUMENT_ID:312242

ILO. (2010). International labour migration: A rights-based approach. Internasional Labour Organization.

ILO. (2017). Resolution concerning fair and effective labour migration governance (Issue June).

ILO. (2025). Protecting migrant workers from Forced Labour. In Internasional Labour Organization (Issue May).

IOM. (2022). GUIDANCE ON BILATERAL LABOUR MIGRATION AGREEMENTS. In United Nations Network on Migration (Issue February).

IOM UN Migration. (2024). WORLD MIGRATION REPORT 2024.

KP2MI. (2022). Data Penempatan dan Pelindungan. Kementrian Perlindungan Pekerja Migrant Indonesia.

KP2MI. (2023). Rekapitulasi Data Pengaduan Pekerja Migran Indonesia berdasarkan Ketegori Kasus. Kementrian Perlindungan Pekerja Migrant Indonesia.

Muhammad. (2025). Ada 2.849 Aduan Pekerja Migran Indonesia pada 2025, Ini Keluhannya. Databoks. https://databoks.katadata.co.id/ketenagakerjaan/statistik/69674595779f8/ada-2849-aduan-pekerja-migran-indonesia-pada-2025-ini-keluhannya

Safitri, D., & Wibisono, A. A. (2023). Keamanan manusia pekerja migran indonesia: ketidakamanan dan perlindungannya. Journal of Internasional Studies, 7(2), 741–769. https://doi.org/10.24198/intermestic.v7n2.17

Undang-Undang Pelindungan Pekerja Migran Indonesia (2017).

Algorithmic Blind Spots: Operational Risks of Gender Bias in Indonesia’s Defense AI

Algorithmic Blind Spots: Operational Risks of Gender Bias in Indonesia’s Defense AI

Feb 23, 2026 | Commentaries

Vol. VII / No. 1 | February 2026

Authors:

Wendy Prajuli – Lecturer at the Department of International Relations, Binus University
Cynthia Sipahutar – Lecturer at the Department of International Relations, Binus University, Doctoral Student in the Department of International Relations, Universitas Indonesia
Curie Maharani –  Lecturer at the Department of International Relations, Binus University

 

Summary

Artificial intelligence (AI) is increasingly integrated into  military systems, reshaping defense architectures and operational practices worldwide.  The article argues that as Indonesia integrates Artificial Intelligence (AI) into its defense architecture—ranging from C4ISR systems to recruitment—it risks embedding significant gender biases. Drawing on global research from UNESCO and Berkeley Haas Center and an analysis of Indonesian policy documents (Stranas KA, Jakumhanneg), the authors contend that a “governance gap” exists. They warn that failing to address bias in datasets and algorithms could lead to operational failures (e.g., misidentifying female combatants) and normative harms (e.g., reinforcing militarized masculinity).

Keywords: Artificial Intelligence, AI Defense, Indonesia, Gender, Security.

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Artificial intelligence (AI) is increasingly gaining traction as an integral component of contemporary human life, with applications ranging from ride-hailing and navigation services to facial recognition technologies. In the defense sector, AI has evolved from conceptual speculation to an operational reality, as evidenced by the progression of defense systems from C2 to C4ISR, C5ISR, and C6ISR architectures. The deployment of precision-guided munitions exemplifies the prominent use of AI-enabled capabilities.

The rapid expansion of AI in military applications has prompted many states, including Indonesia, to pursue the development and acquisition of AI-based defense systems. In Indonesia, research and development in this field have begun, but progress remains constrained by budgetary limitations and competing priorities. Despite the growing ubiquity of AI across multiple sectors, there is limited recognition that AI technologies are not inherently gender-neutral.

A growing body of scholarship demonstrates that AI systems can replicate and amplify gender biases because they are created, trained, and deployed by humans whose perspectives are shaped by prevailing cultural norms. How cultural norms amplify gender bias and gap in AI can be seen in research by Tunjungbiru, el.al. Their research shows that 74.24% of Indonesian women lack AI literacy, with 12.12% at the basic level and 13.64% at the advanced level, while among men, 60% lack AI literacy, 21.54% have basic AI literacy, and 18.46% have advanced AI literacy. Recognizing and addressing these biases is essential if Indonesia is to develop and adopt AI-based defense systems that are both operationally effective and socially equitable.

 

AI and Gender Bias: Evidence from Global Research

Evidence from global research underscores the persistence of gender bias in AI. A UNESCO study analyzing three AI-based applications, GPT, ChatGPT, and LLaMA, found that these systems tended to associate women with the domestic sphere, including home, family, children, and marriage, while linking men to business, executive leadership, careers, and salaries. The same study also revealed a negative bias toward homosexuality. Comparable findings emerged from research conducted by the Berkeley Haas Center for Equity, Gender & Leadership, which examined 133 AI systems across industries and found that 44 percent exhibited gender bias. In contrast, 25 percent demonstrated both gender and racial prejudice. According to UNESCO, gender bias in AI stems from three primary sources: bias in datasets, bias in algorithm selection, and bias in implementation. Dataset bias arises when training data lack variation and adequate representation. Algorithmic bias occurs when modeling processes fail to account for diversity. Implementation bias arises when AI systems are applied beyond their original context or adjusted in response to user feedback without accounting for demographic diversity.

The underrepresentation of women in AI development compounds these problems. Research by Interface indicates that women constitute only 22 percent of the global AI workforce, with even lower representation at senior levels. This lack of diversity not only limits perspectives in the design and deployment of AI systems but also perpetuates the risk of embedding existing social inequalities into technological systems.

 

Potential Gender Bias in Defense AI

In defense applications, gender bias can originate from both technological and normative sources. Technological and data-related biases arise when skewed datasets are used in AI training, resulting in algorithms that systematically disadvantage certain genders. Since humans are responsible for selecting and labeling training data, any pre-existing gender biases they hold can be reproduced in AI outputs. This can have significant implications, such as in AI-assisted military recruitment, where biased algorithms could reject non-male candidates by deeming them unfit based on gendered standards for height or physical composition. Such practices can significantly restrict women’s access to military careers. These risks are not hypothetical; the United Kingdom has already begun integrating AI into its military recruitment processes.

Operationally, biased algorithms may also jeopardize mission success. In reconnaissance-strike operations, for example, if AI systems are trained solely on male combatant profiles, they may fail to recognize female combatants deployed by an adversary. This could result in misclassification of threats, targeting errors, or mission failure.

Furthermore, military AI applications linked algorithmic (gender) bias to civilian suffering in war settings can escalate into acts of gender-based violence in conflict zones. Many AI-based target profiles portray men as violent, dangerous, and predatory, which contributed to this outcome. The AI military application design was based on the concept of militarized masculinity. The influence of such bias features in military AI creates status for cisgender men as undeserving of civilian status. In a larger sense, this assumption increases the danger of civilian injury from gender-based violence in conflict zones.

Hyper militarized masculinity culture in defense technology including in AI military application challenges the inclusivity and intersectionality of the AI technology development. Whereas ethical issues are essential in building a human centered and responsible AI weapons, male dominated engineers and military officers remain leading the armaments design and production process for the advantages of efficiency, speed and scale. Without inclusivity in AI military production and development, elite power also dominates the business and raises more discrimination, marginalization and exclusivity which can safeguard the bias and unethical uses of AI in military applications.

On the normative front, there is a notable absence of national or international regulations explicitly addressing gender bias in defense AI. While some states have endorsed initiatives such as the REAIM blueprint for responsible AI use in the military, these frameworks generally omit provisions to mitigate gender bias, particularly in the development and implementation of AI defense systems. For example, this initiative of the blueprint for responsible use of AI only generally acknowledges that all AI applications in the military “must be developed, deployed, and used in accordance with international law, including, as applicable, the UN Charter, international humanitarian law, international human rights law; and, as appropriate, other relevant legal frameworks, including regional instruments.” There is no specific mention of addressing gender bias in defense AI.

In some cases, states prefer the term “social bias” over “gender bias” in official documents, potentially obscuring the issue and reflecting the incomplete integration of gender norms into international governance of defense AI.

 

Indonesia’s Emerging Defense AI Capabilities and the Gender Bias Gap

Indonesia’s development of defense AI remains in its early stages but shows considerable potential. At present, its use is primarily confined to virtual reality and augmented reality applications in military training. The Indonesian Air Force (TNI AU) has announced plans to introduce AI-based airspace security systems by 2025, and AI has already been incorporated into exercises such as the 2024 Angkasa Yudha operation, which utilized AI in air communications. The Air Command and Staff College (Seskoau) has also sent officer cadets to China to study AI-based defense technologies.

The Indonesian Army (TNI AD) collaborated with a private defense company to develop an AI-enabled unmanned aerial vehicle (UAV). Meanwhile, the Navy (TNI AL) created an AI-powered data analytics tool called System Performance Readiness and Tactical Analysis (Spartan). Spartan helps detect unusual vessel traffic and activities, automates vessel tracking, and suggests possible actions based on real-time data from naval warships at sea.

At the strategic level, the Commander of the Indonesian Armed Forces has expressed intentions to adapt military doctrine to accommodate AI integration. AI is also being used for public relations and information dissemination, and plans are underway to implement AI in defense-related functions in the new capital city, Nusantara.

Despite these advancements, gender bias has yet to become a formal consideration in Indonesia’s defense AI development. Even the Stranas KA 2020-2024  (National Strategy of Indonesian Artificial Intelligence), a blueprint for Indonesia’s AI development, also does not address the importance of gender in AI development. The same applies to the two Indonesian defense documents, Jakumhanneg 2020-2024 (General National Defense Policy 2020-2024) and Jakgarahanneg 2020-2024 (National Defense Implementation Policy 2020-2024). Those documents also do not mention gender in AI defense development.

Where gender elements are present, they tend to be incidental, as in the case of Navy Second Lieutenant (E/W) Fitria Dwi Ratnasari’s involvement in the creation of Antasena, a maritime surveillance system. Without deliberate measures to address bias, Indonesia risks embedding gender inequalities into its defense AI systems, with potentially adverse consequences for both operational effectiveness and social inclusion.

Addressing this challenge requires sustained awareness that AI is neither value-free nor gender-neutral. It also demands integrating feminist perspectives into defense AI development, increasing gender diversity among the researchers and engineers responsible for such systems, and collecting more representative datasets that explicitly incorporate gender variables.

Moreover, the formulation of both national and international regulatory frameworks that explicitly prohibit gender bias in defense AI will be crucial to ensuring that Indonesia’s defense innovation trajectory aligns with the principles of equality, accountability, and responsible technological governance. Additionally, Indonesia’s early-stage AI-based defense development presents opportunities to design gender-sensitive systems from the outset, thereby establishing a strong foundation for future growth.

 

Reference

Antara News, TNI AU kembangkan teknologi pertahanan berbasis AI pada 2025. 2024, https://www.antaranews.com/berita/4524067/tni-au-kembangkan-teknologi-pertahanan-berbasis-ai-pada-2025

Antara News, Ratusan pasis Seskoau kunjungi China pelajari AI di bidang pertahanan. 2024, https://www.antaranews.com/berita/4260415/ratusan-pasis-seskoau-kunjungi-china-pelajari-ai-di-bidang-pertahanan

Borchert, Heiko., Schutz, Torben., dan Verboszky, Joseph. (2024) The Very Long Game: 25 Case Studies on the Global State of Defense AI, Springer.

Bimo, Emanuel Ario dan Jatmiko, Bagus. A Careful Walk on Thin Ice: Defence AI in Indonesia, DAIO Study 25/26. 2025, https://defenseai.eu/wp-content/uploads/2025/11/daio_study2531_a_careful_walk_on_thin_ice_emanuel_ario_bimo_bagus_jatmiko.pdf

BPPT, Strategi Nasional Kecerdasan Artifisial Indonesia 2020-2045. 2024, https://korika.id/document/strategi-nasional-kecerdasan-artifisial-indonesia-2020-2045/

Daniel, Brett. C2 vs. C4ISR vs. C5ISR vs. C6ISR: What’s the Difference?. 2016, https://www.trentonsystems.com/en-us/resource-hub/blog/c2-c4isr-c5isr-c6isr-differences#:~:text=Essentially%2C%20the%20only%20real%20difference,respectively%2C%20to%20the%20C2%20framework.

Detik News, TNI AD Kini Punya Presenter Berita Kowad AI. 2024, https://news.detik.com/berita/d-7176682/tni-ad-kini-punya-presenter-berita-kowad-ai.

Haas Berkeley, Mitigating Bias in Artificial Intelligence. 2020, https://haas.berkeley.edu/wp-content/uploads/UCB_Playbook_R10_V2_spreads2.pdf

Indonesia Defense, Kemhan Pertimbangkan Integrasi Penggunaan AI untuk Kekuatan Alutsista. 2024, https://indonesiadefense.com/kemhan-pertimbangkan-integrasi-penggunaan-ai-untuk-kekuatan-alutsista/

Interface, AI’s Missing Link: The Gender Gap in the Talent Pool. 2024, https://www.interface-eu.org/publications/ai-gender-gap

Mohan, Shimona., Filling the Blanks: Putting Gender into Military A.I. 2023, http://orfonline.org/research/filling-the-blanks-putting-gender-into-military-a-i

Payne, K. (2018). Artificial Intelligence: A Revolution in Strategic Affairs? Survival, 60(5), 7–32. https://doi.org/10.1080/00396338.2018.1518374

Provan, Anna., Militarising Artificial Intelligence: A Feminist Analysis of Algorithmic Warfare, Robert Bosch Stiftung: The Centre for Feminist Foreign Policy. 2025, https://centreforfeministforeignpolicy.org/wordpress/wp-content/uploads/2025/06/CFFP_PolicyBrief_MilitaryAIBriefing.pdf

REAIM Blue Print of Action. 2024, https://www.mofa.go.kr/www/brd/m_4080/down.do?brd_id=235&seq=375378&data_tp=A&file_seq=9.

RRI, TNI AL Ciptakan Aplikasi Pemantau Bawah Laut “Antasena”.2023, https://rri.co.id/iptek/389176/tni-al-ciptakan-aplikasi-pemantau-bawah-laut-antasena

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Tunjungbiru, A. D., Pranggono, B., Sari, R. F., Sanchez-Velazquez, E., Purnamasari, P. D., Liliana, D. Y., & Andryani, N. A. C. (2025). AI Literacy and Gender Bias: Comparative Perspectives from the UK and Indonesia. Education Sciences, 15(9), 1143. https://doi.org/10.3390/educsci15091143.

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Australia-Indonesia’s New Security Treaty: A Blast from the Past

Australia-Indonesia’s New Security Treaty: A Blast from the Past

Des 31, 2025 | Commentaries, Publication

Vol. VI / No. 8 | December 2025

Authors:
Ristian Atriandi Supriyanto
Lecturer, Department of International Relations, FISIP, Universitas Indonesia.
His doctoral thesis analyses Australia-Indonesia relations during the Cold War

Summary

The 2025 Australia-Indonesia Treaty on Common Security (TCS) represents a “blast from the past”—a significant yet retrospective development in bilateral relations. Much like the 1995 Agreement on Maintaining Security (AMS), the TCS prioritizes mutual consultation regarding ambiguous “adverse challenges” rather than committing to specific common actions. While the treaty allows leaders to jointly meet external security challenges, it remains distinct from the 2024 Defence Cooperation Agreement (DCA), which focuses on practical interoperability. However, the TCS relies heavily on the personal rapport between Australia’s Prime Minister Anthony Albanese and Indonesia’s President Prabowo Subianto, mirroring the Keating-Suharto relationship that underpinned the short-lived AMS. Given elite trust is often transient, the TCS cannot rely solely on top-down political signals. Instead, successful security cooperation requires “ground-up” institutionalization to address concrete external threats and ensure the relationship survives beyond current political tenures.

Keywords: Australia-Indonesia Relations, Treaty on Common Security (TCS), Security Cooperation, Strategic-Trust, Institutionalization

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Australia-Indonesia’s New Security Treaty: A Blast from the Past

Takaichi’s Rise in Japan: Navigating the Future of Japan-Indonesia Relations

Des 31, 2025 | Commentaries

Vol. VI / No. 8 | December 2025

Authors:
Chaula Rininta Anindya
Lecturer at the Department of International Relations, Universitas Indonesia, focusing on Strategic Studies. The views expressed are her own

Summary

Japan has elected its very first Female Prime Minister, Takaichi Sanae.  Takaichi went through a great deal in securing the prime minister’s seat. She finally won the ruling party, the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP)’s presidential position after her third bid. Following her victory in the LDP’s presidential election, she witnessed the collapse of the 26-year coalition between LDP and Komeito (Kamata, 2025). She almost failed to secure the necessary number of votes to become the prime minister. Yet, the last-minute deal with Nippon Ishin no Kai revived her chance (The Japan Times, 2025). What will be the future of Japan under Takaichi’s leadership? This commentary will focus on the prospect of Indonesia-Japan relations under PM Takaichi. The article will firstly discuss the background of PM Takaichi. Then, it will analyse the plausible regional dynamics by identifying Takaichi’s prior actions before the election. Lastly, this commentary will examine the future of Indonesia-Japan relations, emphasising two issues: Takaichi’s ambition on Japan’s regional defence posture and the growing sentiment of foreigners in Japan.

Keywords: Japan, Indonesia, Takaichi Sanae, Free and Open Indo-Pacific (FOIP), Immigration Policy

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Australia-Indonesia’s New Security Treaty: A Blast from the Past

Strategic Cyber Diplomacy: Indonesia’s Path

Des 31, 2025 | Commentaries

Vol. VI / No. 7 | December 2025

Authors:
Ali A. Wibisono, Ph.D.
Associate Professor of International Security Studies, Department of International Relations, Universitas Indonesia

Summary

Cyber diplomacy is a critical tool for managing digital opportunities and risks, extending statecraft into the borderless virtual domain. Indonesia’s approach is spearheaded by the National Cyber and Crypto Agency (BSSN), which focuses on national security and technical capacity, and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MFA), which promotes international law and a peaceful cyberspace. Globally, Indonesia supports the UN’s efforts, including the transition to a permanent “Global Mechanism” for dialogue on ICTs in international security. However, the nation faces a strategic gap: despite extensive diplomatic cooperation, including agreements with countries like China focused on capacity building, Indonesia remains a primary target for state-sponsored cyberattacks, such as those attributed to the China-linked Winnti APT. This highlights that “soft” diplomatic closeness has not prevented “hard” cyber aggression. To bridge this gap, the article recommends strategic reforms: deepening multilateral engagement by formally detailing its stance on international cyber law , strengthening the domestic legal framework with a comprehensive Cyber Security Bill , and shifting focus from reactive defense to proactive threat hunting and technical attribution. Ultimately, a “Whole-of-Nation” approach is mandatory to achieve digital sovereignty.

Keywords: Cyber Diplomacy, Digital Sovereignty, Cyber Attribution, Confidence Building Measures (CBMs), Advanced Persistent Threats (APT), Indonesia

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Australia-Indonesia’s New Security Treaty: A Blast from the Past

The False Promise of Belt And Road Initiative: Case Study of Indigenous Land Dispossesion in North Maluku, Tapanuli, North Kalimantan, and Riau Islands (Rempang)

Sep 30, 2025 | Commentaries, Publication

Vol. VI / No. 6 | September 2025

Authors:
Gibraltar Andibya Muhammad & Rozan Firdaus Permana,
Department Assistant, University of Indonesia

Summary
This commentary explores the adverse impacts of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) on local indigenous communities in Indonesia. The paper highlights how infrastructure projects under BRI have led to significant socio-cultural disruptions, including displacement of indigenous peoples and loss of traditional lands, which are critical to their cultural heritage and identity, mainly in North Maluku, Tapanuli, North Kalimantan, and Riau Islands (Rempang). Furthermore, it addresses environmental degradation resulting from large-scale construction activities such as deforestation, habitat destruction, and pollution, which threaten biodiversity and the livelihoods of local communities. The study calls for a balanced approach that considers the rights and needs of indigenous populations while pursuing developmental projects.

Keywords: Belt and Road Inititative (BRI), indigenous communities, development, environment 

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